Proposal to Reform the Security Council

[Rezim]

Adlai Stevenson II
Permanent Representative to the United Nations
United States of America

Mr. President, Honoured delegates,

In light of the UN Security Council Elections, the topic of representation came up during the nomination process and currently, we have Commonwealth nations that are eligible for Asian representation, while there being Commonwealth representation at the same time. With the increasing decolonization of Africa and Asia occurring, the United States believes that now may be the best time to begin discussions on reforming the Security Council.

As such, the United States believes that not only an expansion of the Security Council, but also groupings and criteria for those groupings may be prudent for such reform of this council. As such, the United States proposes the following:

Expanded Security Council
Currently, the Security Council is comprised of the five permanent, veto-holding members - the victors of the Second World War. They are joined by six non-permanent members - two Latin American seats, one Commonwealth seat, one Middle Eastern seat, one Western European seat, and one Eastern European and Asian seat. What the United States would propose is instead to have two Latin American & Caribbean seats, one Arab seat, two Western seats, one Eastern European seat, two Asian seats, and two African seats.

This reform would see the non-permanent members of the Security Council grow from six members to 10 for a total of 15 members of the Security Council. The reason for the breakdown that we are proposing is as follows:

• Latin America maintains its current two seats, and would also include the Caribbean states into its grouping for future Security Council elections
• The Middle Eastern seat would change to an Arab seat, giving the Arab world a specific member on the Security Council going forward. This would cover the geographic areas of North Africa and the Middle East. As such, Iran would no longer be in the Middle East grouping for the Security Council, and instead shift to the proposed Asian group
• The Eastern Europe seat would remain a dedicated seat for nations that sit in the regions east of West Germany, with some exceptions that would fall under the Western grouping - such as Austria and Greece.
• The two Western seats would consolidate the Western Europe and Commonwealth seats, in a way. Western Europe would still be represented as it was previously, but many of the Commonwealth nations such as Canada, New Zealand, and Australia would fall under this category as well. Nations such as Greece, Austria, Israel, Turkey, and Finland would also fall under this group for future Security Council elections.
• Africa would have representation with two new seats on the Security Council going forward which can give representation to many of the newly independent nations within the United Nations most effective assembly.
• Finally, Asia would receive two seats, as well. Instead of sharing a seat with Eastern Europe and relying on “convention” to elect Asian members to the Security Council, two members of the UN Security Council can be from the Asian continent. This grouping would end up seeing the inclusion of Iran, as Iran would be absent from the Arab grouping going forward.

To clarify further, the new groupings would look like this:

• Latin America remains mostly unchanged, with the Caribbean states now being explicitly included in the grouping.
• The Middle Eastern group would change to the Arab group, giving the Arab states a representative on the UN Security Council going forward.
• The Eastern European group would have one seat, and be separate from the Asian seat, giving Eastern Europe and Asia both appropriate representation within the Security Council going forward
• Asia’s grouping would be separate from Eastern Europe, getting two dedicated seats on the Security Council going forward. Asian nations that are members of the Commonwealth would no longer be considered under the Commonwealth grouping, as the grouping would also become defunct under this model. As the Middle Eastern grouping would now exclude Iran, Iran would shift to the Asian grouping instead.
• Western Europe would become the “Western” or “Western & Others” grouping, and effectively eliminate the need for a Commonwealth specific seat at the Security Council. As decolonization continues, nations in the Anglosphere such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, would instead join the Western European nations in this grouping. Greece, Turkey, and Israel would also fall under this grouping due to cultural and political necessity.
• Finally, Africa would receive two seats at the Security Council, and as more African colonies gain independence, the more significant this grouping will become for the Security Council going forward.

I look forward to discussion on this matter, and hope that we can come to an agreement on the structuring of the Security Council as we go forward into the future. We believe that this is an important discussion to have in light of the recent nomination process, and something that we can achieve to move beyond the immediate post-war vision of the United Nations into a future with a broader and more open process for the United Nations as a whole.

[Kane]

Armand Bérard
Permanent Representative
Republic of France

Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates,

France thanks the representative of the United States for launching a timely and important discussion. The composition of the Security Council must evolve to reflect the changing face of the world: one in which the voices of newly independent nations in Africa and Asia must be heard more clearly.

We support, in principle, the idea of expanding the number of non-permanent seats. In particular, we welcome proposals that strengthen African and Asian representation within the Council. These regions are shaping the future of our global community.

We note with interest the suggestion to revise the concept of a “Commonwealth seat.” France believes that representation should not be tied to past imperial structures, but rather to present-day realities and sovereign partnerships.

In this light, France would emphasize that Africa is not monolithic. Its diversity, in language, history, institutions, deserves to be reflected in any representative system. Many African states share strong cultural and linguistic bonds with France. These ties form the basis of partnerships rooted not in hierarchy, but in cooperation and mutual advancement.

At the same time, France cautions against rigid regional groupings that may obscure national specificities or group together states with vastly different interests. Europe, too, is diverse, and this diversity should not be flattened into a single Western category.

We are ready to engage constructively in further dialogue, ensuring that the Security Council evolves in a way that respects sovereignty, promotes meaningful participation, and remains anchored in the founding principles of the United Nations.

Thank you.

[Zealous]

Valerian Zorin
Permanent Representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the United Nations
Delivered to the United Nations Security Council, 1961 (Alternate Timeline)

---

Mr. President, distinguished representatives,

The Soviet Union welcomes the proposal brought forward by the distinguished representative of the United States. It is a welcome development that the composition of this Council, which reflects the post-war realities of 1945, is now being reconsidered in light of the world of 1961—a world transformed by the great tide of decolonization and by the arrival of dozens of newly sovereign states on the global stage.

We agree that reforming the Security Council is necessary. But we must approach this task with care, with principle, and with the understanding that reform must serve the interests of the entire international community—not the preferences or political convenience of a few powerful states. It must ensure that this Council becomes more representative, more legitimate, and more capable of reflecting the collective will of the nations that make up the United Nations.

The proposal by our American colleagues addresses an important issue—the question of representation. Yet as we examine the details, we find that it raises concerns that deserve thoughtful scrutiny. For instance, the suggested restructuring of regional groupings, such as the consolidation of “Western and Others,” appears to group together nations on the basis of political alignment rather than geographic clarity. By combining Western Europe, former dominions of the British Empire, and non-European states such as Israel and Turkey into a single electoral pool, this arrangement risks embedding current alliances into the permanent fabric of the Council. That, we believe, is a step away from neutrality and balance.

Further, the reclassification of Iran from the Middle East to Asia, and the creation of a single “Arab” seat that excludes other regional powers, illustrates how flexible and politically defined these categories can become. If we are to build a durable and inclusive structure, we must agree on transparent and objective criteria for representation—criteria based not on political blocs or shifting strategic interests, but on geography, population, and sovereign equality.

The Soviet Union believes that the guiding principles for any Security Council reform must be threefold: First, equitable geographic representation, grounded in demographic and regional realities; second, transparent procedures and clearly defined groupings, approved by the General Assembly and consistent over time; and third, inclusion of the newly independent and developing states whose voices must be heard in the shaping of global peace and security.

To that end, the Soviet Union proposes an expansion of the Security Council from eleven to fifteen members, by increasing the number of non-permanent seats from six to ten. These ten seats should be allocated as follows: three for Africa, to reflect the rapid growth of African membership in the United Nations; two for Asia and the Pacific, representing the wide diversity of nations from South Asia to East Asia to Oceania; two for Latin America and the Caribbean; two for Europe, one from the West and one from the East, exclusive of the permanent members; and one seat for the Middle East region, covering both Arab and non-Arab states of North Africa and West Asia.

We suggest that each region, using clear geographic definitions agreed upon by the General Assembly, elect its representatives through open, rotational processes. This ensures that no single power, alliance, or ideology dominates representation, and that all nations—large or small, old or newly independent—have a fair opportunity to participate.

In addition, we believe that the procedures of the Security Council should be reviewed to increase transparency. Elections to non-permanent seats should be public and competitive. The presidency of the Council should rotate equally among all members, and the criteria for groupings should not change with political fashion, but remain consistent and just.

Let me be clear: the Soviet Union does not seek to block reform. On the contrary, we believe genuine reform is necessary, and long overdue. But reform must reflect the world as it is—not merely codify existing imbalances. This Council must not be a mirror of Cold War alignments, but a platform for genuine collective security. Our goal must be a structure that any member of the United Nations—regardless of size, ideology, or military power—can see themselves in, and trust to act fairly.

We therefore submit our counterproposal in the spirit of constructive dialogue, and we are ready to work with all members of this Council and the General Assembly to shape a Security Council that is more representative, more transparent, and more legitimate. Let us not reform for appearance, but for substance. Let us rise above the divisions of our time to build institutions that endure beyond them.

Thank you.